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October - Bondage Video Discussion Forum Archive

Basketball robots and flying cops. The extraordinary man-made feats of Dubai. The untold story of Dubai's first skyscraper. Emirati children prepare for a robotic future. Dubai's racing to build the world's first hyperloop. Vertical farms on the rise in the UAE. The face that launched a billion-dollar brand.

How Dubai is integrating AI into everyday life. University blockchain experiment aims for top marks. Before turning on a tape recorder and beginning the interview, Conway glanced again at the crude note he held in his hands.

I have tried to get help for so long and no one will believe me. I have killed for the past ten years and no one will believe me. I cannot go on doing this. I also killed the only girl I ever loved. Conway stared across at the scruffy looking vagrant before him. Lucas hesitated briefly, staring at the Sheriff with his one good eye before beginning a detailed confession that was to be, not only the beginning of the biggest serial murder investigation in history, but also one of the most controversial.

Henry Lee Lucas was born in the early hours of August 23 rd , He was the youngest of nine children. His mother, Viola Dison Wall Lucas, was a sadistic, alcoholic whore who earned the bulk of the family's meager income providing sexual favours to strangers. Henry's father, Anderson, was also an alcoholic. Having lost both legs after falling down drunk in the path of a freight train, "No Legs," as he was known in the district, would supplement the family's income by selling pencils and bootleg whiskey.

Henry was reared in a four-room cabin in Montgomery County, Virginia. The "house" was little more than a rough shack, with earthen floors throughout and no power or electricity.

Sharing this cramped environment, apart from the immediate family, was Viola's "boyfriend" and pimp, a sleazy low-life by the name of Bernie.

All the occupants of the house shared a single bedroom. The close sleeping environment meant that young Henry, his brother and, at times his father, were witness to Viola's sexual escapades with Bernie or whatever "customer" was present at the time. At times Viola would insist that Henry and his brother watch her having sex, to the point where she would punish them if they attempted to leave or look away. Henry's mother refused to provide any domestic care to her family.

She never cleaned the house or prepared regular meals for anyone except herself and Bernie. The boys and their father were constantly abused, verbally and physically, and left to scrounge whatever meals they could. It wasn't long before the boys were stealing food from neighbouring farms and stores in town. Viola treated them as hired help, sending them to fetch water and firewood. As Henry grew the chores became harder and the beatings more regular.

He was forced to work from dawn to dusk. One of his jobs was to guard the "still. It wasn't long before Henry was drinking the deadly brew on a daily basis until at the tender age of ten, he was virtually an alcoholic.

Any deviation from his mother's instructions was usually punished swiftly and violently. On one occasion, after he refused to perform a menial task, Viola beat Henry over the head with a log of wood. The attack was so severe that his scalp was split open to the bone and the blows knocked Henry into a coma that lasted for a full day. Strangely, the only person who showed any concern after the beating was Bernie. He was convinced that the police would hear of the attack and come and arrest them.

Eventually he convinced Viola that they should take Henry to the hospital. To avoid prosecution, Viola told the doctor that her son had fallen from a ladder. Fearing reprisal, Henry backed up her story. When Henry was old enough for school, Viola further taunted him by curling his hair and sending him to school in a dress. He was ridiculed and teased by his classmates until a concerned teacher took the initiative and cut his hair and provided him with a shirt and pants to wear.

Viola was furious and went to the school and verbally abused the teacher for interfering. The same teacher would later recall Henry as being a seriously disturbed child who was constantly filthy and malnourished with distinct learning difficulties. Despite the additional care and attention that Henry received at school, the beatings and poor treatment at home continued. Eventually, the beatings began to take their toll. Henry was gripped by seizures and often complained of noises and "voices" in his head.

To further exacerbate his difficulties an accident with a knife robbed him of most of the sight in his left eye. Sometime later, after being hit with a ruler at school, his eye was irreparably damaged and had to be removed and replaced with a glass eye. As Henry grew, so too did his fascination with the "outside world. Anderson Lucas, Henry's father, was the only person in the family that showed any sign of tenderness towards the boy.

When Anderson later died from pneumonia, after getting inebriated and lying out in the snow, Henry became bitter and increasingly angry. It was the beginnings of a behavioural pattern that would last a lifetime. Henry's would later describe his time in South Michigan as a "nightmare that would not end.

The prison's psychologists interviewed him in an attempt to settle him down. Lucas talked freely about the voices inside his head, including his mother's.

He blamed his destructive and undisciplined behaviour on her influence. Weeks later, Henry wrote a letter to his sister telling her that he couldn't stand it any more and was going to kill himself.

Some time later he made good on his threats and slashed his wrists and stomach with a razor blade on two separate occasions. Jail staff thwarted both attempts and he was transferred to Iona State Mental hospital for treatment. What followed were four-and-a-half years of drug and shock therapy, both of which only succeeded in making Henry meaner and more prone to violence. At one stage he told the doctors that if he were released he would definitely kill again.

Regardless of his threats, in , he was transferred back to Michigan State prison. Incredibly, not long after his return, a prison psychologist conducted an examination of Lucas and reported to the parole board that: Henry Lee Lucas is grossly lacking in self-confidence, self-reliance, will power and general stamina.

He does not have the courage to blame others for his mistakes or misfortunes or to engage in aggressive social behavior aimed at alleviating some of his discomfort. I would say he is making good progress.

Lucas, on the other hand, was full of vengeance. Driven by the need for revenge, he spent most of his prison time learning the methods of other dangerous criminals. He studied books on police procedures and later, when he was put to work in the prison records room, he studied the files of other inmates analysing the reasons they had been caught.

It wasn't long before he learned that, to avoid detection, all he had to do was keep moving across state lines after each offence. Four years later, in June , Henry got to put his ideas into practice when he was given early release because of severe overcrowding conditions in the prison. On the day he left Michigan State prison, he told the warders, "I'll leave you a present on the doorstep.

Authorities have yet to uncover any evidence to support his claim. Lucas's newfound freedom didn't last long. Twelve months later he was back in Michigan State Penitentiary, charged with the attempted kidnapping of a teenage girl from a bus stop and violating his parole by being in possession of a handgun. After serving a further four years, he was released in August , telling prison officials that "this time," he was going to "hole-up somewhere and get a job and make some money.

His hapless wanderings marked the beginning of one of the most controversial episodes in American criminal history. Records show that he stayed with his sister for three days after which he moved to Chatham, Pennsylvania with Aomia Pierce and her husband. He took on several jobs during that time but was incapable of keeping them. Through Pierce, he met Betty Crawford, the widow of one of his nephews. Initially they were just friends but the relationship developed steadily until they were finally married on December 5 th , After living with Pierce for a short time, Lucas, Crawford and her three children moved back to Port Deposit to live in a trailer park.

Henry drifted from job to job earning only small amounts of money. The bulk of the family's income was provided by Crawford's social security payments. The family lived in this manner until June , when, in company with another family from the trailer park, they moved to Hurst, Texas.

The plan was for Crawford to visit her mother while Henry looked for work. Again, Henry failed to find suitable work, so they moved on to Illinois before returning to Maryland. Shortly after returning, Betty Crawford accused Lucas of molesting her daughters. Henry denied the charges but told her that he had decided to leave anyway. On July 7 th , Lucas packed his few belongings and headed towards Florida.

On the way south, he stopped off in Tecumseh, Michigan to stay with Opal. Less than a month later, Henry and his brother-in-law, Wade Kiser, travelled to West Virginia for a family reunion. On the way, while caught in heavy traffic, Henry struck up a conversation with another man and shortly after, left Kiser to team up with the stranger for a trip to Shreveport, Louisiana.

After a brief stop over in Virginia, to visit his half-brother Harry Waugh, Lucas arrived at his destination. While in Shreveport, Henry was offered the job of driving a car to Los Angeles but declined after he became convinced that he would be working for the Mafia. Lucas left Louisiana and went back to Port Deposit.

He didn't stay long and moved on to Wilmington, Delaware where a relative, Leland Crawford gave him work in a carpet store. That lasted for several months until he returned to Port Deposit to spend Christmas with another relative, Nora Crawford.

The following January, he left Nora and moved to Hinton, West Virginia and went to work for Joe Crawford, who was not only a relative, but also owned a carpet store. While in Hinton, he met a woman called Rhonda Knuckles and lived with her until March until he tired of the relationship and returned once more to Port Deposit.

He moved back with Opal. Lucas stayed for a short time until his sister Almeda offered him lodgings and a job in her husbands wrecking yard. Henry seemed settled until Almeda accused him of sexually molesting her grand daughter. Again he denied the accusation. The next morning he told the Kiser's that he needed their truck and tools to collect a couple of wrecked cars for the yard.

When Lucas didn't return that night or the following day, the Kisers reported the car as stolen. The vehicle was later recovered outside Jacksonville, Florida in an undrivable condition. Lucas reached Jacksonville with no money and nowhere to stay. He soon learned of a mission that provided both food and shelter. While he was waiting in a line to be fed, a man named Ottis Toole approached him.

They entered into a conversation and soon after Ottis invited Henry to come back to his home in Springfield, a suburb of Jacksonville. At the time, Ottis was sharing a house with his mother Sarah and her husband Robert. Ottis's wife, Novella, a nephew, Frank Powell Jr. The Toole family was quite used to Ottis bringing home strange men from the mission. Sarah Pierce, a one time house guest later told police that Ottis, a known bisexual, often picked up men to bring home for sexual purposes.

As well as his homosexual tendencies, Ottis also enjoyed watching his male guests have sex with his wife, Pierce and the under-aged Frieda. Henry adapted to his new "home" and was soon sharing the main bedroom with Ottis after Novella was sent to stay with neighbors.

Ottis got a job for Henry in the paint factory where he worked, but Henry only lasted a month before he quit and headed north. While on his trip, he was allegedly beaten up by a member of his family and spent several weeks in hospital. When he was well enough to travel, he returned to Jacksonville and resumed his old job.

Later, Ottis's mother Sarah bought a house and moved her extended "family" into it. Henry quit his job again and went into the scrap metal business, soon filling the backyard of the new house with wrecked vehicles and parts. Now that Henry was working from home, Frieda, or "Becky" as Lucas called her, started to spend more time with him and a "relationship" developed. The "family" seemed relatively happy for over a year until May when Sarah died.

Initially, the children saw the trip as an adventure but after reaching Arizona they became homesick so Henry and Ottis decided to cancel the trip. After selling the truck, they hopped a freight train as far as Houston then hitchhiked the rest of the way back to Jacksonville.

Not long after their return, they stole a pickup truck from one of Ottis's relatives and drove it to Wilmington, Delaware where they abandoned it. When Toole was later hospitalized for an illness, Lucas and the children travelled on to Maryland where he was arrested for the theft of the Kiser's vehicle and jailed.

Frank and "Becky" were returned to their natural mother, Drucilla Carr. Henry was held in jail from July 22nd until October 6th when he was released on parole and returned to Jacksonville. The following January, "Becky" ran away from the shelter. Shortly after her escape, police circulated a "pickup" order for "Becky" and Lucas as they believed that he was responsible for transporting her from the home in Bartow back to Jacksonville.

After leaving hospital, Ottis Toole returned home to Jacksonville where he lived with his wife until May when they left to travel to California.

On the way, they picked up a hitchhiker in Texas to share the driving. The man would later smash the car, causing Toole and his wife to be hospitalized for a time. Eventually after recovering, they returned to Jacksonville. According to police records, shortly after Lucas and Toole met, they spent their "leisure time," drinking and cruising the highways looking for "fun. They stole money, food and beer and took obvious delight in terrorizing the staff.

The pair became bolder and more violent with every crime. Eventually their crimes became more brutal, to the point where, if a store clerk or bank teller resisted in the slightest way, they were gunned down and left in a pool of blood. Lucas would later relate one such incident to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. He told police that he and Ottis robbed a small convenience store in western Georgia.

Lucas walked to the front counter and produced a. After binding the terrified woman with rope, he dragged her to the back of the store while Toole rifled the till. The woman began to scream and struggle to get loose. Lucas told her, "I you don't keep quiet, I'm gonna have to shoot ya. As they were dividing the money, Lucas noticed that the woman was trying to loosen the ropes.

Casually he walked to the back of the store and shot her through the temple. Afterwards, while Henry loaded cases of beer into their car, Toole had sex with the woman's body. At the conclusion of the admission, Lucas told police, "Now see, that's the difference between me and Ottis.

He just kills 'em when he feels like it. At least I warn 'em first. What disturbed the investigators most was that Lucas told the story without any emotion or remorse, as though he were describing an incident that someone else was responsible for. The killing continued to escalate as the murderous pair seized every opportunity to commit more and more brutal crimes.

They seemed to be driven by the desire to prove who was the more lethal. Toole later bragged to police of one such incident. While cruising the I highway through Texas, they came across a teenage couple walking alongside the road. Apparently the couple's car had run out of gas and they were on their way to a local filling station.

Ottis stepped out of the vehicle and shot the boy nine times in the head and chest and rolled the body into a culvert while Lucas dragged the hysterical girl into the back seat. While Ottis drove, Henry raped the girl repeatedly. Ottis explained that watching Lucas having sex with someone else made him angry.

Seething with jealous rage, Toole then stopped the car and, dragging the girl onto the roadway, shot her six times. They then drove back towards Jacksonville leaving the body lying on the road. Everyone they came in contact with was a potential victim.

Drifters, women with car troubles and hitchhikers, all fell prey to the deadly duo. Because the murders were mostly committed in remote areas, there were no witnesses. If their cars broke down or ran out of gas, they would steal another, usually murdering the driver.

They would then drive the new vehicle to another state, dump it and hitchhike to the next location. When they weren't robbing, raping and killing, they would work odd jobs until the urge for blood became too strong and they continued their odyssey of destruction.

The killing was to continue, even when the pair later travelled with Frank and "Becky" Powell, who by that time had become Henry's lover. She was just twelve years old.

From Maryland to California, Texas to Michigan, they raped, robbed and murdered. Often, while Frank and Becky waited in the car, the two men would commit their crimes and drive off as though nothing unusual had occurred.

Henry said he particularly enjoyed killing women whose cars had broken down on lonely roads. He told police he considered them, "free lunch. One such victim was found dumped in a field, completely nude. She had been stabbed thirty-five times in the chest, neck, arms and back. Deep cuts had been made along the inside of her arms and from the middle of her chest to the pubic bone. Both nipples had been cut off and removed. According to police, who methodically pieced together the killer's trail of terror from pay-slips and discarded vehicles, Ottis and Toole were responsible for up to four or five murders in each state before moving across state lines to avoid detection.

On more than two occasions, the pair committed several murders in a single day. Of all the claims of violent behavior Lucas and Toole have made to police, none is more outrageous then their story of a strange religious cult that they were asked to join. Supposedly, while on one of their murderous sprees, Henry and Ottis were approached by a stranger who offered the men the job of delivering stolen cars to various destinations.

Lucas wasn't impressed and declined the offer, as he was afraid that it would increase their chances of being caught by police. The stranger then made another offer. He asked if they would be interested in "contract" killing on behalf of his "organization.

They figured that since they'd been killing for fun, they might as well get paid for it. The stranger said that they would be hired on one condition. The previous account is Lucas's version of how the two came to be associated with the cult. Ottis Toole would later disagree with some of the details, but apart from the variations in the two men's stories, they both swore that they did join. Several weeks after the mysterious meeting, Lucas and Toole allegedly travelled to Florida to meet the leaders of the cult.

In an abandoned warehouse on Miami's waterfront, the same "stranger" met them and introduced himself as Don Meteric. When Meteric began to talk about the crimes the two had committed in the past, Lucas became suspicious and asked Meteric how he knew so much about them. Meteric laughed and said, "Ottis here has been doin' work for me for years. You will be told to kill someone while you are here and you will obey.

Once you have proven yourself, you will be one of us. Both men were then taken to a tent and Lucas was told to wait for his "assignment. An hour later, Meteric came for him.

Make sure you cut him clean because we'll be needin' him later. Armed with a knife, Henry went to the next tent, Ottis went with him. Ottis produced a bottle of Jack Daniels, telling Henry, "It'll spice up the taste. Toole went into the tent first and struck up a conversation with the male occupant. From the ease of their talk, Lucas guessed that the two had met previously. Toole then lured the man to a nearby beach with the promise of a drink.

Lucas waited in the shadows while Ottis handed the man the bottle. As the man tipped his head back to take a swig, Lucas stepped behind him. Grabbing the man's hair with one hand, Lucas reached forward with his knife hand and in one quick swipe, slit the man's throat. Lucas and Toole then took turns drinking from the bottle as their hapless victim lay bleeding to death at their feet. After the man had died, Meteric was informed and inspected the corpse. He congratulated Lucas on a "quick, clean kill.

In the weeks that followed, Lucas said he was schooled in the finer points of kidnapping, arson, all methods of murder and child abduction. He was also instructed on the correct way to prepare a human sacrifice and, in accordance with the cult's satanistic code took part in various rituals involving dead bodies, including necrophilia. Seven weeks later, his training completed, Lucas was ready to "go to work.

After a "trial run," to check the route and familiarize themselves with the methods of the border patrol, they set off on their first kidnapping job. They had been supplied with drugs to subdue the children while they were being transported. Lucas told interviewers that he was surprised how easy it was to kidnap babies.

When they reached San Antonio, Texas, Lucas and Toole drove through shopping center car parks until they found a baby that had been left asleep in a car. Several minutes later, they had the baby in the car, drugged and ready to be transported across the border. They also kidnapped older children and teenagers who were subsequently drugged and used in pornographic movies that were made and distributed by the cult.

Police would later search vast areas of the Florida everglades by boat and helicopter for evidence of the cult's existence but none would be found. Lucas explained this away by telling police that the cult was a nationwide conspiracy involving, not only senior police, but also politicians.

Allegedly, after carrying out further unsavory tasks for the death cult, Henry was told to go back home for a vacation and wait for further instructions. Ottis decide to stay on and join Henry later. If the cult did in fact exist and if Lucas was paid handsomely for the crimes he committed on their behalf, there was no evidence of his new found wealth when he returned to Jacksonville.

Shortly after his return, Lucas took Becky and their meager belongings and headed for California, telling her that they were going to get set-up as husband and wife. It was the first time they had been alone for an extended period and Henry soon realized that, even though he enjoyed her company, she could be petulant and demanding.

Leaving with no money meant that they had to commit numerous petty thefts on the way to pay for the trip. According to Lucas, up to this time, he had never had sexual relations with Becky, but as the trip progressed she became more demanding in that department and brooded when Lucas refused her requests.

Henry insists that he resisted because he was torn between lust and a "fatherly devotion" for Becky. In the past, if he had wanted sex, he would rape to satisfy his sexual cravings. It meant no more to him than stealing when he was broke. As for killing, that was different, murder was just pure fun. At one stage, after Lucas refused to make love to her, she became angry and accused Henry of being homosexual.

He denied the accusations and calmed her with a promise to buy her clothes and gifts. Later that night when Becky was asleep, Lucas left the motel and drove to a truck stop.

He claims that he picked up a woman and after driving her to an isolated spot, raped her and slit her throat. After cleaning himself up, he was back in the motel before Becky woke. As the trip progressed, Lucas insists that he contacted Meteric and was given the job of killing a man in Beaumont, Texas. The target was supposedly a lawyer who was about to give police information regarding the cult.

After reaching the town and setting Becky up in a motel, Lucas tracked down his victim and followed him, waiting for the opportunity to kill him.

Henry told police how he struck up a friendship with the man and lured him to a quiet spot with the promise of sharing a bottle of booze. The story took on a familiar ring when he related how, when the lawyer tipped his head back to take a swig, Lucas slit his throat with one swipe. He would later brag to Ottis in front of police, that he had cut the man so deep and fast that, "the liquor just ran out the bottom of his head.

Switching cars, Lucas took the body out of town and dumped it in a shallow grave. He then drove the man's car back to the motel. After picking up Becky, he returned to the burial site and, with Becky's help, dug up the corpse, decapitated it and buried the parts separately.

They left the man's feet sticking up out of the ground so that he would be found. That way, Lucas reasoned, Meteric would get to hear about it and know that he had done the job and pay him for it. Lucas insists that the grisly task sexually excited Becky to the point that he relented and let her fondle him in bed later that night.

After three months on the road, Henry and Becky finally reached California, tired, hungry and broke. The money for the "hit" did not transpire so they drifted through the state robbing for food and working odd jobs. Eventually the truck broke down and they started hitchhiking. Becky was disillusioned and unhappy.

Life on the road with Henry wasn't what she thought it would be. She began complaining incessantly, demanding that they return to Florida. They drifted north to Oregon and later Washington, where Lucas continued raping, killing and stealing cars. At one point, while travelling through the Seattle area, Lucas read about the spate of killings near the Green River and insisted that he then went out and killed several prostitutes and left their bodies the same as the ones reported in the newspaper so that someone else would be blamed for them.

At the time, there were 16, blacks in the county, yet only 17 of them had voted in the previous seven years. Within a year, some 1, blacks had registered, and the white community responded with harsh economic reprisals. Using registration rolls, the White Citizens Council circulated a blacklist of all registered black voters, allowing banks, local stores and gas stations to conspire to deny registered black voters basic services. What's more, sharecropping blacks who registered to vote were summarily evicted from their homes.

All in all, the number of evictions came to families, many of whom were forced to live in a makeshift Tent City for well over a year. Finally, in December , the Justice Department invoked its powers authorized by the Civil Rights Act of to file a suit against seventy parties accused of violating the civil rights of black Fayette County citizens.

Their efforts were met with violent repression from state and local lawmen, the White Citizens' Council , and the Ku Klux Klan. Activists were beaten, there were hundreds of arrests of local citizens, and the voting activist Herbert Lee was murdered.

White opposition to black voter registration was so intense in Mississippi that Freedom Movement activists concluded that all of the state's civil rights organizations had to unite in a coordinated effort to have any chance of success. As in McComb, their efforts were met with fierce opposition—arrests, beatings, shootings, arson, and murder. Registrars used the literacy test to keep blacks off the voting roles by creating standards that even highly educated people could not meet.

In addition, employers fired blacks who tried to register, and landlords evicted them from their rental homes. By , voter registration campaigns in the South were as integral to the Freedom Movement as desegregation efforts.

After the passage of the Civil Rights Act of , [2] protecting and facilitating voter registration despite state barriers became the main effort of the movement.

It resulted in passage of the Voting Rights Act of , which had provisions to enforce the constitutional right to vote for all citizens. William David McCain , the college president, used the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission , in order to prevent his enrollment by appealing to local black leaders and the segregationist state political establishment.

The state-funded organization tried to counter the civil rights movement by positively portraying segregationist policies. More significantly, it collected data on activists, harassed them legally, and used economic boycotts against them by threatening their jobs or causing them to lose their jobs to try to suppress their work. Kennard was twice arrested on trumped-up charges, and eventually convicted and sentenced to seven years in the state prison.

Journalists had investigated his case and publicized the state's mistreatment of his colon cancer. McCain's role in Kennard's arrests and convictions is unknown. He described the blacks' seeking to desegregate Southern schools as "imports" from the North.

Kennard was a native and resident of Hattiesburg. We insist that educationally and socially, we maintain a segregated society In all fairness, I admit that we are not encouraging Negro voting The Negroes prefer that control of the government remain in the white man's hands. Mississippi had passed a new constitution in that effectively disfranchised most blacks by changing electoral and voter registration requirements; although it deprived them of constitutional rights authorized under post-Civil War amendments, it survived U.

Supreme Court challenges at the time. It was not until after passage of the Voting Rights Act that most blacks in Mississippi and other southern states gained federal protection to enforce the constitutional right of citizens to vote. In September , James Meredith won a lawsuit to secure admission to the previously segregated University of Mississippi. He attempted to enter campus on September 20, on September 25, and again on September Attorney General Robert Kennedy sent in a force of U.

On September 30, , Meredith entered the campus under their escort. Students and other whites began rioting that evening, throwing rocks and firing on the U. Marshals guarding Meredith at Lyceum Hall.

Two people, including a French journalist, were killed; 28 marshals suffered gunshot wounds, and others were injured. Kennedy sent regular U.

Army forces to the campus to quell the riot. Meredith began classes the day after the troops arrived. Kennard and other activists continued to work on public university desegregation. By that time, McCain helped ensure they had a peaceful entry. The SCLC, which had been criticized by some student activists for its failure to participate more fully in the freedom rides, committed much of its prestige and resources to a desegregation campaign in Albany, Georgia , in November King, who had been criticized personally by some SNCC activists for his distance from the dangers that local organizers faced—and given the derisive nickname "De Lawd" as a result—intervened personally to assist the campaign led by both SNCC organizers and local leaders.

The campaign was a failure because of the canny tactics of Laurie Pritchett , the local police chief, and divisions within the black community. The goals may not have been specific enough.

Pritchett contained the marchers without violent attacks on demonstrators that inflamed national opinion.

He also arranged for arrested demonstrators to be taken to jails in surrounding communities, allowing plenty of room to remain in his jail. Prichett also foresaw King's presence as a danger and forced his release to avoid King's rallying the black community. King left in without having achieved any dramatic victories. The local movement, however, continued the struggle, and it obtained significant gains in the next few years.

The Albany movement was shown to be an important education for the SCLC, however, when it undertook the Birmingham campaign in Executive Director Wyatt Tee Walker carefully planned the early strategy and tactics for the campaign. It focused on one goal—the desegregation of Birmingham's downtown merchants, rather than total desegregation, as in Albany.

The movement's efforts were helped by the brutal response of local authorities, in particular Eugene "Bull" Connor , the Commissioner of Public Safety. He had long held much political power but had lost a recent election for mayor to a less rabidly segregationist candidate.

Refusing to accept the new mayor's authority, Connor intended to stay in office. The campaign used a variety of nonviolent methods of confrontation, including sit-ins, kneel-ins at local churches, and a march to the county building to mark the beginning of a drive to register voters.

The city, however, obtained an injunction barring all such protests. Convinced that the order was unconstitutional, the campaign defied it and prepared for mass arrests of its supporters. King elected to be among those arrested on April 12, While in jail, King wrote his famous " Letter from Birmingham Jail " [] on the margins of a newspaper, since he had not been allowed any writing paper while held in solitary confinement. King was allowed to call his wife, who was recuperating at home after the birth of their fourth child and was released early on April The campaign, however, faltered as it ran out of demonstrators willing to risk arrest.

As a result, in what would be called the Children's Crusade , more than one thousand students skipped school on May 2 to meet at the 16th Street Baptist Church to join the demonstrations. More than six hundred marched out of the church fifty at a time in an attempt to walk to City Hall to speak to Birmingham's mayor about segregation.

They were arrested and put into jail. In this first encounter, the police acted with restraint. On the next day, however, another one thousand students gathered at the church. When Bevel started them marching fifty at a time, Bull Connor finally unleashed police dogs on them and then turned the city's fire hoses water streams on the children. National television networks broadcast the scenes of the dogs attacking demonstrators and the water from the fire hoses knocking down the schoolchildren.

Widespread public outrage led the Kennedy administration to intervene more forcefully in negotiations between the white business community and the SCLC. On May 10, the parties announced an agreement to desegregate the lunch counters and other public accommodations downtown, to create a committee to eliminate discriminatory hiring practices, to arrange for the release of jailed protesters, and to establish regular means of communication between black and white leaders.

Not everyone in the black community approved of the agreement—the Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth was particularly critical, since he was sceptical about the good faith of Birmingham's power structure from his experience in dealing with them.

Parts of the white community reacted violently. In response, thousands of blacks rioted , burning numerous buildings and one of them stabbed and wounded a police officer. Kennedy prepared to federalize the Alabama National Guard if the need arose. Birmingham was only one of over a hundred cities rocked by the chaotic protest that spring and summer, some of them in the North. During the March on Washington, Martin Luther King would refer to such protests as "the whirlwinds of revolt.

Berry of the National Urban League warned of a complete breakdown in race relations: Millard Tawes to declare martial law. Kennedy directly intervened to negotiate a desegregation agreement.

The blacks criticized Kennedy harshly for vacillating on civil rights, and said that the African-American community's thoughts were increasingly turning to violence. The meeting ended with ill will on all sides. That evening, President Kennedy addressed the nation on TV and radio with his historic civil rights speech , where he lamented "a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety.

Philip Randolph had planned a march on Washington, D. Randolph and Bayard Rustin were the chief planners of the second march, which they proposed in In , the Kennedy administration initially opposed the march out of concern it would negatively impact the drive for passage of civil rights legislation.

However, Randolph and King were firm that the march would proceed. Concerned about the turnout, President Kennedy enlisted the aid of white church leaders and Walter Reuther , president of the UAW , to help mobilize white supporters for the march. The march was held on August 28, Unlike the planned march, for which Randolph included only black-led organizations in the planning, the march was a collaborative effort of all of the major civil rights organizations, the more progressive wing of the labor movement, and other liberal organizations.

The march had six official goals:. Of these, the march's major focus was on passage of the civil rights law that the Kennedy administration had proposed after the upheavals in Birmingham. National media attention also greatly contributed to the march's national exposure and probable impact. More cameras would be set up than had filmed the last presidential inauguration. One camera was positioned high in the Washington Monument, to give dramatic vistas of the marchers". By carrying the organizers' speeches and offering their own commentary, television stations framed the way their local audiences saw and understood the event.

The march was a success, although not without controversy. An estimated , to , demonstrators gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial , where King delivered his famous " I Have a Dream " speech. While many speakers applauded the Kennedy administration for the efforts it had made toward obtaining new, more effective civil rights legislation protecting the right to vote and outlawing segregation, John Lewis of SNCC took the administration to task for not doing more to protect southern blacks and civil rights workers under attack in the Deep South.

While the Kennedy administration appeared sincerely committed to passing the bill, it was not clear that it had enough votes in Congress to do so. However, when President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, , [] the new President Lyndon Johnson decided to use his influence in Congress to bring about much of Kennedy's legislative agenda. In March , Malcolm X el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz , national representative of the Nation of Islam , formally broke with that organization, and made a public offer to collaborate with any civil rights organization that accepted the right to self-defense and the philosophy of Black nationalism which Malcolm said no longer required Black separatism.

Richardson, "the nation's most prominent woman [civil rights] leader," [] told The Baltimore Afro-American that "Malcolm is being very practical The federal government has moved into conflict situations only when matters approach the level of insurrection.

Self-defense may force Washington to intervene sooner. Malcolm articulates for Negroes, their suffering Malcolm had tried to begin a dialog with Dr. King as early as , but King had rebuffed him. Malcolm had responded by calling King an " Uncle Tom ", saying he had turned his back on black militancy in order to appease the white power structure. But the two men were on good terms at their face-to-face meeting.

Civil rights activists became increasingly combative in the to period, seeking to defy such events as the thwarting of the Albany campaign, police repression and Ku Klux Klan terrorism in Birmingham , and the assassination of Medgar Evers.

It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets. In the South, there had been a long tradition of self reliance. Malcolm X's ideas now touched that tradition". When Fannie Lou Hamer spoke to Harlemites about the Jim Crow violence that she'd suffered in Mississippi, she linked it directly to the Northern police brutality against blacks that Malcolm protested against; [] When Malcolm asserted that African Americans should emulate the Mau Mau army of Kenya in efforts to gain their independence, many in SNCC applauded.

During the Selma campaign for voting rights in , Malcolm made it known that he'd heard reports of increased threats of lynching around Selma. On the day of Malcolm's appearance, President Johnson made his first public statement in support of the Selma campaign. Haygood noted that "shortly after Malcolm's visit to Selma, a federal judge, responding to a suit brought by the Department of Justice , required Dallas County, Alabama , registrars to process at least Black applications each day their offices were open.

Augustine was famous as the "Nation's Oldest City", founded by the Spanish in It became the stage for a great drama leading up to the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of A local movement, led by Dr. In the fall of , Hayling and three companions were brutally beaten at a Ku Klux Klan rally. Augustine Four" sat in at a local Woolworth's lunch counter, seeking to get served.

They were arrested and convicted of trespassing, and sentenced to six months in jail and reform school. It took a special act of the governor and cabinet of Florida to release them after national protests by the Pittsburgh Courier , Jackie Robinson , and others. In response to the repression, the St. Augustine movement practiced armed self-defense in addition to nonviolent direct action.

In June , Dr. Hayling publicly stated that "I and the others have armed. We will shoot first and answer questions later. We are not going to die like Medgar Evers. In October , a Klansman was killed. The arrest of Mrs. Peabody, the year-old mother of the governor of Massachusetts, for attempting to eat at the segregated Ponce de Leon Motor Lodge in an integrated group, made front-page news across the country and brought the movement in St.

Augustine to the attention of the world. Widely publicized activities continued in the ensuing months. King was arrested, he sent a "Letter from the St.

Augustine Jail" to a northern supporter, Rabbi Israel Dresner. A week later, in the largest mass arrest of rabbis in American history took place, while they were conducting a pray-in at the segregated Monson Motel.

A well-known photograph taken in St. Augustine shows the manager of the Monson Motel pouring muriatic acid in the swimming pool while blacks and whites are swimming in it.

The horrifying photograph was run on the front page of a Washington newspaper the day the Senate were to vote on passing the Civil Rights Act of Although the school was built to house students, it had become overcrowded with 1, students. The school's average class-size was 39, twice the number of nearby all-white schools.

The building had not been updated since being built in and only two bathrooms served the entire facility. Emboldened by the success of the Franklin Elementary school demonstrations, the CFFN recruited new members, sponsored voter registration drives and planned a citywide boycott of Chester schools. Branche built close ties with students at nearby Swarthmore College , Pennsylvania Military College and Cheyney State College in order to ensure large turnouts at demonstrations and protests.

In , a series of almost nightly protests brought chaos to Chester as protestors argued that the Chester School Board had de facto segregation of schools. The city deputized firemen and trash collectors to help handle demonstrators. Many of Mississippi's white residents deeply resented the outsiders and attempts to change their society.

State and local governments, police, the White Citizens' Council and the Ku Klux Klan used arrests, beatings, arson, murder, spying, firing, evictions, and other forms of intimidation and harassment to oppose the project and prevent blacks from registering to vote or achieving social equality. On June 21, , three civil rights workers disappeared: They were found weeks later, murdered by conspirators who turned out to be local members of the Klan, some of them members of the Neshoba County sheriff's department.

This outraged the public, leading the U. Justice Department along with the FBI the latter which had previously avoided dealing with the issue of segregation and persecution of blacks to take action. The outrage over these murders helped lead to the passage of the Civil Rights Act.

From June to August, Freedom Summer activists worked in 38 local projects scattered across the state, with the largest number concentrated in the Mississippi Delta region.

At least 30 Freedom Schools, with close to 3, students, were established, and 28 community centers set up. But more than 80, joined the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party MFDP , founded as an alternative political organization, showing their desire to vote and participate in politics.

Though Freedom Summer failed to register many voters, it had a significant effect on the course of the civil rights movement. It helped break down the decades of people's isolation and repression that were the foundation of the Jim Crow system. Before Freedom Summer, the national news media had paid little attention to the persecution of black voters in the Deep South and the dangers endured by black civil rights workers.

The progression of events throughout the South increased media attention to Mississippi. The deaths of affluent northern white students and threats to other northerners attracted the full attention of the media spotlight to the state. Many black activists became embittered, believing the media valued lives of whites and blacks differently. Perhaps the most significant effect of Freedom Summer was on the volunteers, almost all of whom—black and white—still consider it to have been one of the defining periods of their lives.

Although President Kennedy had proposed civil rights legislation and it had support from Northern Congressmen and Senators of both parties, Southern Senators blocked the bill by threatening filibusters. After considerable parliamentary maneuvering and 54 days of filibuster on the floor of the United States Senate, President Johnson got a bill through the Congress.

On July 2, , Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of , [2] which banned discrimination based on "race, color, religion, sex or national origin" in employment practices and public accommodations.

The bill authorized the Attorney General to file lawsuits to enforce the new law. The law also nullified state and local laws that required such discrimination. When police shot an unarmed black teenager in Harlem in July , tensions escalated out of control. Residents were frustrated with racial inequalities. Rioting broke out, and Bedford-Stuyvesant , a major black neighborhood in Brooklyn erupted next.

That summer, rioting also broke out in Philadelphia , for similar reasons. The riots were on a much smaller scale than what would occur in and later. Washington responded with a pilot program called Project Uplift. Thousands of young people in Harlem were given jobs during the summer of Blacks in Mississippi had been disfranchised by statutory and constitutional changes since the late 19th century.

More than 80, people registered and voted in the mock election, which pitted an integrated slate of candidates from the "Freedom Party" against the official state Democratic Party candidates.

When Mississippi voting registrars refused to recognize their candidates, they held their own primary. They had planned a triumphant celebration of the Johnson administration's achievements in civil rights, rather than a fight over racism within the Democratic Party. All-white delegations from other Southern states threatened to walk out if the official slate from Mississippi was not seated.

Johnson was worried about the inroads that Republican Barry Goldwater 's campaign was making in what previously had been the white Democratic stronghold of the "Solid South", as well as support that George Wallace had received in the North during the Democratic primaries. There Fannie Lou Hamer testified eloquently about the beatings that she and others endured and the threats they faced for trying to register to vote.

Turning to the television cameras, Hamer asked, "Is this America? Johnson offered the MFDP a "compromise" under which it would receive two non-voting, at-large seats, while the white delegation sent by the official Democratic Party would retain its seats.

The MFDP angrily rejected the "compromise. The MFDP kept up its agitation at the convention after it was denied official recognition. When all but three of the "regular" Mississippi delegates left because they refused to pledge allegiance to the party, the MFDP delegates borrowed passes from sympathetic delegates and took the seats vacated by the official Mississippi delegates.

National party organizers removed them. When they returned the next day, they found convention organizers had removed the empty seats that had been there the day before. They stayed and sang "freedom songs". It invited Malcolm X to speak at one of its conventions and opposed the war in Vietnam.

SNCC had undertaken an ambitious voter registration program in Selma, Alabama , in , but by little headway had been made in the face of opposition from Selma's sheriff, Jim Clark. After local residents asked the SCLC for assistance, King came to Selma to lead several marches, at which he was arrested along with other demonstrators. The marchers continued to meet violent resistance from police. Jimmie Lee Jackson , a resident of nearby Marion, was killed by police at a later march in February 17, Jackson's death prompted James Bevel , director of the Selma Movement, to initiate and organize a plan to march from Selma to Montgomery , the state capital.

Six blocks into the march, at the Edmund Pettus Bridge where the marchers left the city and moved into the county, state troopers and local county law enforcement, some mounted on horseback, attacked the peaceful demonstrators with billy clubs, tear gas , rubber tubes wrapped in barbed wire, and bull whips.

They drove the marchers back into Selma. Lewis was knocked unconscious and dragged to safety. At least 16 other marchers were hospitalized. Among those gassed and beaten was Amelia Boynton Robinson , who was at the center of civil rights activity at the time.

The national broadcast of the news footage of lawmen attacking unresisting marchers' seeking to exercise their constitutional right to vote provoked a national response, and hundreds of people from all over the country came for a second march.

These marchers were turned around by Dr. King at the last minute so as not to violate a federal injunction. The marchers were able to lift the injunction and obtain protection from federal troops, permitting them to make the march across Alabama without incident two weeks later. The evening of a second march on March 9 to the site of Bloody Sunday, local whites attacked Rev.

James Reeb , a voting rights supporter. He died of his injuries in a Birmingham hospital March On March 25, four Klansmen shot and killed Detroit homemaker Viola Liuzzo as she drove marchers back to Selma at night after the successfully completed march to Montgomery. Eight days after the first march, but before the final march, President Johnson delivered a televised address to support the voting rights bill he had sent to Congress. In it he stated:. Their cause must be our cause too.

Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of on August 6. The act suspended literacy tests and other subjective voter registration tests. It authorized Federal supervision of voter registration in states and individual voting districts where such tests were being used and where African Americans were historically under-represented in voting rolls compared to the eligible population.

African Americans who had been barred from registering to vote finally had an alternative to taking suits to local or state courts, which had seldom prosecuted their cases to success. If discrimination in voter registration occurred, the act authorized the Attorney General of the United States to send Federal examiners to replace local registrars.

Within months of the bill's passage, , new black voters had been registered, one-third of them by federal examiners. Within four years, voter registration in the South had more than doubled. In , Tennessee had a Several whites who had opposed the Voting Rights Act paid a quick price. In Sheriff Jim Clark of Selma, Alabama, infamous for using cattle prods against civil rights marchers, was up for reelection.

Although he took off the notorious "Never" pin on his uniform, he was defeated. At the election, Clark lost as blacks voted to get him out of office. Blacks' regaining the power to vote changed the political landscape of the South. When Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, only about African Americans held elective office, all in northern states. By , there were more than 7, African Americans in office, including more than 4, in the South. Nearly every Black Belt county where populations were majority black in Alabama had a black sheriff.

Southern blacks held top positions in city, county, and state governments. Julian Bond was elected to the Georgia State Legislature in , although political reaction to his public opposition to the U. John Lewis was first elected in to represent Georgia's 5th congressional district in the United States House of Representatives , where he has served since The new Voting Rights Act of had no immediate effect on living conditions for poor blacks. A few days after the act became law, a riot broke out in the South Central Los Angeles neighborhood of Watts.

Like Harlem, Watts was a majority-black neighborhood with very high unemployment and associated poverty. Its residents confronted a largely white police department that had a history of abuse against blacks. While arresting a young man for drunk driving, police officers argued with the suspect's mother before onlookers. The spark triggered a massive destruction of property through six days of rioting. With black militancy on the rise, ghetto residents directed acts of anger at the police.

Black residents growing tired of police brutality continued to riot. Some young people joined groups such as the Black Panthers , whose popularity was based in part on their reputation for confronting police officers. The first major blow against housing segregation in the era, the Rumford Fair Housing Act, was passed in California in It was overturned by white California voters and real estate lobbyists the following year with Proposition 14 , a move which helped precipitate the Watts Riots.

Working and organizing for fair housing laws became a major project of the movement over the next two years, with Martin Luther King Jr. The Fair Housing Bill was the most contentious civil rights legislation of the era.

Senator Walter Mondale , who advocated for the bill, noted that over successive years, it was the most filibustered legislation in U. A proposed "Civil Rights Act of " had collapsed completely because of its fair housing provision. A lot of civil rights [legislation] was about making the South behave and taking the teeth from George Wallace, [but] this came right to the neighborhoods across the country.

This was civil rights getting personal. In riots broke out in black neighborhoods in more than U. In Detroit, a large black middle class had begun to develop among those African Americans who worked at unionized jobs in the automotive industry. These workers complained of persisting racist practices, iimiting the jobs they could have and opportunities for promotion. The United Auto Workers channelled these complaints into bureaucratic and ineffective grievance procedures.

When white Detroit Police Department DPD officers shut down an illegal bar and arrested a large group of patrons during the hot summer, furious black residents rioted. Rioters looted and destroyed property while snipers engaged in firefights from rooftops and windows, undermining the DPD's ability to curtail the disorder.

Residents reported that police officers and National Guardsmen shot at black civilians and suspects indiscriminately. After five days, 43 people had been killed, hundreds injured, and thousands left homeless.

State and local governments responded to the riot with a dramatic increase in minority hiring. The laws passed both houses of the legislature. Historian Sidney Fine wrote that:. The Michigan Fair Housing Act, which took effect on November 15, , was stronger than the federal fair housing law It is probably more than a coincidence that the state that had experienced the most severe racial disorder of the s also adopted one of the strongest state fair housing acts.

President Johnson created the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders in response to nationwide wave of riots. The commission's final report called for major reforms in employment and public policy in black communities.

It warned that the United States was moving toward separate white and black societies. James Lawson invited King to Memphis, Tennessee , in March to support a sanitation workers' strike. These workers launched a campaign for union representation after two workers were accidentally killed on the job; they were seeking fair wages and improved working conditions.

King considered their struggle to be a vital part of the Poor People's Campaign he was planning. A day after delivering his stirring " I've Been to the Mountaintop " sermon, which has become famous for his vision of American society, King was assassinated on April 4, Riots broke out in black neighborhoods in more than cities across the United States in the days that followed, notably in Chicago , Baltimore , and in Washington, D.

The day before King's funeral , April 8, Coretta Scott King and three of the King children led 20, marchers through the streets of Memphis, holding signs that read, "Honor King: End Racism" and "Union Justice Now". Armed National Guardsmen lined the streets, sitting on M tanks , to protect the marchers, and helicopters circled overhead.

On April 9, Mrs. King led another , people in a funeral procession through the streets of Atlanta. Coretta Scott King said, []. The day that Negro people and others in bondage are truly free, on the day want is abolished, on the day wars are no more, on that day I know my husband will rest in a long-deserved peace. It was to unite blacks and whites to campaign for fundamental changes in American society and economic structure.

The march went forward under Abernathy's plainspoken leadership but did not achieve its goals. As began, the fair housing bill was being filibustered once again, but two developments revived it. The Senate was moved to end their filibuster that week. As the House of Representatives deliberated the bill in April, Dr. King was assassinated, and the largest wave of unrest since the Civil War swept the country.

Nevertheless, the news coverage of the riots and the underlying disparities in income, jobs, housing, and education, between White and Black Americans helped educate citizens and Congress about the stark reality of an enormous social problem.

Members of Congress knew they had to act to redress these imbalances in American life to fulfil the dream that King had so eloquently preached.

The House passed the legislation on April 10, and President Johnson signed it the next day. The Civil Rights Act of prohibited discrimination concerning the sale, rental, and financing of housing based on race, religion, and national origin. It also made it a federal crime to "by force or by threat of force, injure, intimidate, or interfere with anyone While most popular representations of the movement are centered on the leadership and philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr.

Sociologist Doug McAdam has stated that, "in King's case, it would be inaccurate to say that he was the leader of the modern civil rights movement The movement was, in fact, a coalition of thousands of local efforts nationwide, spanning several decades, hundreds of discrete groups, and all manner of strategies and tactics—legal, illegal, institutional, non-institutional, violent, non-violent.

Without discounting King's importance, it would be sheer fiction to call him the leader of what was fundamentally an amorphous, fluid, dispersed movement. During the Freedom Summer campaign of , numerous tensions within the civil rights movement came to the forefront.

Many blacks in SNCC developed concerns that white activists from the North were taking over the movement. The participation by numerous white students was not reducing the amount of violence that SNCC suffered, but seemed to exacerbate it.

Additionally, there was profound disillusionment at Lyndon Johnson's denial of voting status for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the Democratic National Convention. The Louisiana campaign survived by relying on a local African-American militia called the Deacons for Defense and Justice , who used arms to repel white supremacist violence and police repression.

It permitted its black leaders to openly promote the use of armed self-defense. Charles had taken the lead after his brother Medgar Evers was assassinated in Many black youth were committed to the use of violence to protest inequality and oppression. In Mississippi, Stokely Carmichael declared, "I'm not going to beg the white man for anything that I deserve, I'm going to take it. Some people engaging in the Black Power movement claimed a growing sense of black pride and identity.

In gaining more of a sense of a cultural identity, blacks demanded that whites no longer refer to them as "Negroes" but as "Afro-Americans," similar to other ethnic groups, such as Irish Americans and Italian Americans. Until the mids, blacks had dressed similarly to whites and often straightened their hair. As a part of affirming their identity, blacks started to wear African-based dashikis and grow their hair out as a natural afro.

The afro, sometimes nicknamed the "'fro," remained a popular black hairstyle until the late s. Other variations of traditional African styles have become popular, often featuring braids, extensions, and dreadlocks. The group began following the revolutionary pan-Africanism of late-period Malcolm X , using a "by-any-means necessary" approach to stopping inequality.

They sought to rid African-American neighborhoods of police brutality and to establish socialist community control in the ghettos. While they conducted armed confrontation with police, they also set up free breakfast and healthcare programs for children. Black Power was taken to another level inside prison walls.

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