Lady wants sex GA Newton 31770 Lady wants sex GA Newton 31770 Register Login Contact Us

Looking for a dominant woman 41 Cambridge 41

Old Married Looking Find Sex Friend Married And Lonely Looking Redheads Wanting Sex


Looking for a dominant woman 41 Cambridge 41

Online: Now

About

I'm a sweet, fun, single white male who is looking for the same.

Robin
Age:21
Relationship Status:Actively looking
Seeking:I Searching Adult Dating
City:Dyersburg
Hair:Long natural
Relation Type:Very Attractive Swm Seeks Sbf Or Mixed Race For Dating


Looking for a dominant woman 41 Cambridge 41

Women Wants Real Sex Castle Hayne North Carolina

I'm not really expecting corporate America men to be searching on but I figured what the hell, why not try :) and if you are I hope your 25 yrs old.

I can and I do it quite well but I am seeking for someone to play with. I'm very experienced in relaxing, light to medium touch mboobiesage. Short and sweetI'm not desperate but I am actively seeking to enjoy a girl soon, like real soon. And also single I need to get better.

Conceived and designed the experiments: Across cultures, taller stature is linked to increased social status, but the potential reasons why this should be are unclear. One potential explanation is that taller individuals are more likely to win a dyadic confrontation with a competitor i.

Although some previous studies have shown that perceptions of status or dominance are related to height, and are therefore consistent with such an explanation, there is surprisingly little research testing whether height actually has any influence on the behavioural outcomes in real-life social interactions. Here, we present three naturalistic observational studies demonstrating that height predicts interpersonal dominance during brief dyadic interactions.

We conclude that human height is positively related to interpersonal dominance, and may well contribute to the widely observed positive association between height and social status. According to Ellis [ 1 , p. Although, historically, size may have been a more important determinant of male status reflected in the average difference in height between the sexes, and the fact that historical and ethnographic sources refer exclusively to big men , the relation between height, social status and power is obviously applicable to women as well, especially in societies with greater gender equality.

Indeed, among contemporary human populations, height is positively related to proxies of social status, such as leadership, professional achievement, education, and income [ 3 — 9 ] in both men and women.

Despite the overwhelming evidence that human stature is positively related to social status in both men and women in Western societies, the proximate mechanisms underpinning this phenomenon remain obscure. Several hypotheses to explain this relationship have been proposed, including the increased cognitive ability associated with greater height explained by factors such as genes or nutrition: All these hypotheses, however, interpret the correlation between height and social status to be indirect; that is, this relationship is mediated by factors like improved nutrition and health, that are both a cause and consequence of higher social status in and of themselves.

Interestingly, Persico and colleagues [ 11 ] show that the higher social status of taller individuals persists even after controlling for the above factors, suggesting that height could have a direct influence on the ability to achieve high social status in contemporary, industrialized society see also [ 12 ].

Moreover, findings suggesting that taller individuals achieve greater levels of upward social mobility [ 13 — 15 ], even when familial circumstances are very similar e. Here, we consider the possibility that height directly influences the likelihood of attaining higher social status. More specifically, we hypothesize that taller people achieve higher social status as a result of their increased interpersonal dominance during confrontations with competitors.

Although dominance as such is a relative measure based on repeated interactions , and not an absolute property of an individual, in this study we will refer to interpersonal dominance as the likelihood of an individual winning a dyadic confrontation.

We hypothesize that the probability of winning a confrontation increases with height of the individual in relation to their opponent. The form and function of such confrontations can be as diverse as the society in which they occur, and although the advantage of winning one confrontation may be small, the cumulative effect of many such advantages may be instrumental to achieving higher social status.

The hypothesis that body size is related to dominance echoes findings in the animal kingdom. Darwin was among the first to suggest that males were larger than females in most mammals because such large size was advantageous in contests over mates [ 19 , p.

Among mammals, larger males are usually more likely to win fights from smaller males [ 20 ], which leads to higher social rank and increased social dominance, and, consequently, increased access to females [ 21 , 22 ].

Recently, Puts [ 23 ] argued that, although inter-sexual selection i. Thus, sexual dimorphism in stature may well be a consequence of past intra-sexual competition between males.

Among humans, there is also some evidence to suggest that height is related to physical dominance [ 21 ] although observed relationships are often weak: However, physical strength and fighting ability may seem unlikely determinants of social status in modern Western societies, given that individuals are prohibited by law from using force against another individual [ 23 ].

Nevertheless, we suggest that height is associated with dominance in contemporary populations, resulting in taller individuals being more likely to win non-physical confrontations against shorter individuals, albeit in more subtle ways. How, then, could human height directly influence the probability of winning non-physical confrontations?

First, even though the use of force is prohibited by law, the increased physical strength [ 24 ] and fighting ability [ 26 ] of taller individuals may be perceived as more threatening during a contest [ 24 ], even when that contest is non-physical. Taller people are also perceived as more competent, authoritative, intelligent, dominant, and having better leadership qualities [ 9 , 28 — 34 ].

Such height-dependent perceptions may then contribute to the increased dominance of taller individuals if shorter individuals act on their perceptions, and treat those who are taller as more competent, authoritative, and dominant than they are, and so yield to them in competitive situations.

Height may also affect how people perceive themselves, and so influence behaviour which as noted, in part reflects how other people treat them. For instance, taller individuals, particularly taller men, have higher levels of self-esteem than shorter individuals [ 9 ] and are more likely to see themselves as leader [ 35 ], which may result in taller individuals displaying more self-confidence in social interactions.

Increased self-esteem may itself be a consequence of experiencing more favourable contest outcomes earlier in life. It has also been shown that taller teenagers participate more in social activities, which in turn has been shown to have long-term effects on social status in later life [ 11 ]. Thus, the cumulative effects of the positive contest outcomes experienced by taller individuals throughout development are likely to contribute to increased self-esteem and hence increased dominance in adulthood.

Despite the clear positive association between height and social status, and the well-established perceptual links between height, dominance, and status, there are only a handful of studies that consider how height influences behavioural outcomes in social encounters. For instance, Huang and colleagues [ 39 ] showed that, during a negotiation task, individuals perceived to be taller were also more influential: Similarly, individuals assigned taller avatars in a virtual reality setting behaved more selfishly in economic games than those assigned shorter avatars [ 40 , 41 ].

Finally, the finding that taller referees displayed greater authority during football matches, was interpreted as reflecting the increased dominance or status of these taller individuals [ 42 ].

In this paper, we extend these findings and examine whether stature is positively related to interpersonal dominance in subtle non-physical contests, via a series of observational studies. In Study 1, we examined whether height influenced the probability of yielding to another individual when passing through a narrow passageway. Imagine a situation where two individuals from opposite directions simultaneously attempt to pass through a narrow passageway that only accommodates the passing of a single individual at a given time.

Which individual is more likely to take precedence and which individual is more likely to give way? In Study 2, we investigated whether people gave way to confederates of varying height, who walked against the stream of pedestrian traffic in a busy shopping street.

On busy shopping streets, people walk in a variety of directions at a variety of speeds heading toward a variety of destinations. As a result, pedestrian traffic self-organises, and the overwhelming majority of people on the same side of the street will walk in the same direction.

What happens when an individual violates this norm and walks against the flow of pedestrian traffic? More pertinently to our aims here, does the height of the person violating this norm influence how people react? We therefore investigated whether pedestrians would be more likely to give way to, and less likely to bump into, a taller individual who walked against the flow of pedestrian traffic than they would to a shorter individual.

What happens, however, when an unknown individual partly blocks your pathway? Do people choose to remain on their original path, thereby passing by such individuals in close proximity, or do they divert from their chosen path, thereby giving a wider berth to the blocking individual?

In this study, we tested whether the height of the passing pedestrian, would significantly influence the path chosen.

We hypothesized that taller pedestrians would be less likely to yield and divert from their path. Thus, in all three studies, we hypothesized that height would be positively related to dominance, such that taller individuals would be less likely to yield than those who were shorter. All the research reported in this document was approved by the psychology ethics committee of the University of Groningen, which decided that no informed consent was needed.

All studies had an observational nature, with observations conducted in public areas where any person could reasonably expect to be observed, and data gathered were evidently anonymous. All studies were performed in a mid-size city in the north of the Netherlands. The average height for men and women aged in their early 20s in this region is approximately All observers were aware of the aims for each study.

All analyses were performed using R [ 45 ], version 3. We observed pedestrians entering and leaving a supermarket. To do so, pedestrians had to walk through a narrow passage on a sidewalk Fig.

The passage was too narrow for two individuals to pass through simultaneously. Thus, when two individuals approaching from opposite directions attempted to pass, one individual was required to give way Fig. In the first part of our experiment, we made use of narrowness of passageway resulting from temporary scaffolding because of construction work. After the scaffolding was removed, we used bicycles to create a similarly narrow passage.

All observations were performed by pairs of observers comprised of a total of six different observers. The observers stood on the opposite side of the street, outside of the direct line of sight of the pedestrians. For each pair, the observers agreed on both the height and age of each individual, and on which individual took precedence and which individual gave way.

Individual height was estimated using chalk lines marked on the wall next to the passageway. The lines were marked in ten cm increments from to cm. Groups and individuals pushing either bicycles or buggies were not included in the observations.

In total, we observed 92 pairs of individuals trying to pass through the passageway at exactly the same time on six different observation days during Heights were estimated to be equal in 4 of these 50 pairs, and these were excluded from the analyses, leaving 46 pairs 28 male pairs and 18 female pairs. The perceived ages of these individuals were between 16 and A paired samples t -test was used to test whether those who took precedence were taller than those who yielded and gave way. To test for differences in the effect of height depending on the sex of the pair, we used a General Linear Model, with the difference in height between the individuals as a dependent variable and sex as a fixed factor.

This analysis is equivalent to a paired samples t -test when no fixed factors are included in the GLM and only an intercept is fitted. Because age is related to height and differences in age between the individuals in the pair may influence who yields, we also controlled for the difference in perceived age in the GLM.

Additionally, we reran the analyses only including couples in which the perceived age differences did not exceed 15 years. Including the pair of observing experimenters as a random effect did not influence the results, nor did the method by which the passageway was narrowed scaffolding versus bicycles; results not reported. Confederates of varying height walked up and down a crowded shopping street.

They were instructed to walk in a straight line, against the flow of pedestrian traffic i. One observer of which there were six in total; the same individuals also acted as confederates observed the sex of each pedestrian encountered, whether the pedestrian gave way to the confederate i. We defined a collision as any physical contact between a pedestrian and the confederate.

When it was evident that the pedestrian was not going to step aside for the confederate and a collision was imminent, the confederate would then step aside and avoid contact as best as possible. When a collision occurred, the confederate would apologize to the pedestrian.

The behaviour of the confederates with respect to collisions was not easily standardized, and individual differences in behavioural dispositions may have affected the rate of collisions. Heights and ages of the pedestrians were not recorded, as this was too difficult to assess accurately by the experimenter, who also had to maneuver through the busy shopping street, and avoid colliding with pedestrians.

All confederates were dressed in a similar fashion jeans and dark jacket. Eight female confederates with heights of: Pedestrian couples were not included. Observations were made on eleven different days at peak hours for pedestrian traffic; 14—17 and 19—21 on Thursday evenings. Logistic mixed models were used to analyse the data, using the lme4 package [ 46 ].

The binomial dependent variables were a whether the pedestrian gave way to the confederate i. As independent factors, we included confederate height and sex, and the sex of the pedestrian.

Confederate identity was included as a random factor because observations within a confederate cannot be assumed to be independent. Including the identity of the observer as a random factor did not change our results results not reported.

Find your Soulmate Online | Guardian Soulmates

Thus, in all three studies, we hypothesized that height would be positively related to dominance, such that taller individuals would be less likely to yield than those who were shorter. All the research reported in this document was approved by the psychology ethics committee of the University of Groningen, which decided that no informed consent was needed.

All studies had an observational nature, with observations conducted in public areas where any person could reasonably expect to be observed, and data gathered were evidently anonymous. All studies were performed in a mid-size city in the north of the Netherlands.

The average height for men and women aged in their early 20s in this region is approximately All observers were aware of the aims for each study. All analyses were performed using R [ 45 ], version 3. We observed pedestrians entering and leaving a supermarket. To do so, pedestrians had to walk through a narrow passage on a sidewalk Fig. The passage was too narrow for two individuals to pass through simultaneously.

Thus, when two individuals approaching from opposite directions attempted to pass, one individual was required to give way Fig. In the first part of our experiment, we made use of narrowness of passageway resulting from temporary scaffolding because of construction work. After the scaffolding was removed, we used bicycles to create a similarly narrow passage. All observations were performed by pairs of observers comprised of a total of six different observers.

The observers stood on the opposite side of the street, outside of the direct line of sight of the pedestrians. For each pair, the observers agreed on both the height and age of each individual, and on which individual took precedence and which individual gave way. Individual height was estimated using chalk lines marked on the wall next to the passageway.

The lines were marked in ten cm increments from to cm. Groups and individuals pushing either bicycles or buggies were not included in the observations. In total, we observed 92 pairs of individuals trying to pass through the passageway at exactly the same time on six different observation days during Heights were estimated to be equal in 4 of these 50 pairs, and these were excluded from the analyses, leaving 46 pairs 28 male pairs and 18 female pairs.

The perceived ages of these individuals were between 16 and A paired samples t -test was used to test whether those who took precedence were taller than those who yielded and gave way. To test for differences in the effect of height depending on the sex of the pair, we used a General Linear Model, with the difference in height between the individuals as a dependent variable and sex as a fixed factor.

This analysis is equivalent to a paired samples t -test when no fixed factors are included in the GLM and only an intercept is fitted. Because age is related to height and differences in age between the individuals in the pair may influence who yields, we also controlled for the difference in perceived age in the GLM.

Additionally, we reran the analyses only including couples in which the perceived age differences did not exceed 15 years.

Including the pair of observing experimenters as a random effect did not influence the results, nor did the method by which the passageway was narrowed scaffolding versus bicycles; results not reported. Confederates of varying height walked up and down a crowded shopping street. They were instructed to walk in a straight line, against the flow of pedestrian traffic i.

One observer of which there were six in total; the same individuals also acted as confederates observed the sex of each pedestrian encountered, whether the pedestrian gave way to the confederate i. We defined a collision as any physical contact between a pedestrian and the confederate. When it was evident that the pedestrian was not going to step aside for the confederate and a collision was imminent, the confederate would then step aside and avoid contact as best as possible. When a collision occurred, the confederate would apologize to the pedestrian.

The behaviour of the confederates with respect to collisions was not easily standardized, and individual differences in behavioural dispositions may have affected the rate of collisions. Heights and ages of the pedestrians were not recorded, as this was too difficult to assess accurately by the experimenter, who also had to maneuver through the busy shopping street, and avoid colliding with pedestrians.

All confederates were dressed in a similar fashion jeans and dark jacket. Eight female confederates with heights of: Pedestrian couples were not included. Observations were made on eleven different days at peak hours for pedestrian traffic; 14—17 and 19—21 on Thursday evenings. Logistic mixed models were used to analyse the data, using the lme4 package [ 46 ].

The binomial dependent variables were a whether the pedestrian gave way to the confederate i. As independent factors, we included confederate height and sex, and the sex of the pedestrian.

Confederate identity was included as a random factor because observations within a confederate cannot be assumed to be independent. Including the identity of the observer as a random factor did not change our results results not reported.

We determined the pseudo- R 2 for the full model i. Furthermore, we determined the R 2 of the effect of height for each sex i. The study was set in a passageway for pedestrians between a market and the main shopping street of the city. The passageway was narrow approximately 2 m wide and contained a small pole in the middle of the passage near the shopping street Fig.

Thus, people coming from the market and entering the shopping street mostly walk on one side of the passage and pole , whereas people going to the market from the shopping street usually walk on the other side of the passage and pole; Fig. Taking advantage of this set-up, we positioned a confederate in a way that partially blocked the passage for those pedestrians walking from the market towards the shopping street.

More specifically, the confederate was asked to lean against the wall in the vicinity of the pole, thus leaving only around one meter of space between the confederate and the pole through which pedestrians could pass. We examined whether pedestrians would maintain their original path, and so pass the confederate at sufficiently close proximity to invade their personal space Fig. This set-up thus provided a clear and unambiguous measure of path deviation by allowing us to record simply on which side of the pole a given pedestrian chose to walk in order to pass through the passage.

Observations were conducted on ten different days between April 24 th and June 5 th ; between In each observation session, the blocking confederate was instructed to lean against the wall, with his or her right arm resting against the wall, so that they were facing towards the shopping street and away from the pedestrian.

Four female confederates with heights of , , , and cm and three male confederates with heights of , , and cm participated in the study. As the main focus of the study was the height of the pedestrians, rather than that of the confederates as was the case in Study 2 , we used fewer confederates, and their individual heights did not cover the entire height range. It is possible, however, that confederate height may influence the behavior of the pedestrians, and therefore we included it in our analyses.

Two observers simultaneously recorded the behavior of the pedestrians coming from the market and walking through the passage, approaching the confederate from behind.

One researcher recorded the height, sex and perceived age of each pedestrian, whereas the other researcher recorded whether or not pedestrians maintained their path i.

The observers were positioned behind a corner, out of the line of sight of the pedestrians. To our knowledge, pedestrians were completely unaware of the presence of the observers while walking through the passageway. Individuals walking in groups or with a bicycle or a buggy were not recorded. We also did not record the behaviour of pedestrians when other pedestrians were walking through the passageway, as this resulted in further blocking of the pathway in addition to our confederates, and the basis of pedestrian movement decisions with respect to the confederate became ambiguous.

In total, 1, pedestrians were observed passing by our confederates. Due to local conditions of this experimental-set up, we could not make use of chalk markings on the wall to estimate pedestrian height. Instead, observers estimated height without any reference points. Although this method is less accurate than the one in our first study, we do not consider this to be a major problem, for two reasons. First, all our research assistants were trained during our first study to make accurate height estimations.

The perceived ages of the pedestrians were between 11 and We used logistic mixed models to analyse the data, with the chosen path of the pedestrian i. We included height and sex of the pedestrian, and the sex of the confederate, as fixed effects, and we included confederate identity as a random effect because observations within a confederate may not be independent. Including observer identity as a random effect did not change our results results not reported.

We standardized the estimated height of pedestrians within each sex in order to better compare the effect of height between the sexes: Men who took precedence were estimated to be Similarly, women who took precedence were estimated to Combining male and female pairs revealed that individuals who took precedence were significantly taller 4.

Priority of access in relation to difference in height cm individual who took precedence—individual who gave way for female and male pairs. The diameter of the open circles indicates sample size. In other words, the strength of the effect of height was similar for men and women and was not driven by the effect of age. In total, we observed 1, pedestrians in the shopping street. Controlling for height, we found that pedestrians were more likely to give way to female than to male confederates Table 1.

Height was positively related to the likelihood of giving way by the pedestrian in both sexes Fig. Examining the amount of variation explained only by height, we found that 7. In conclusion, pedestrians were more likely to yield and give way to taller compared to shorter individuals, and this was equally true for men and women, although the effect was slightly stronger for men. The effect of confederate height on the likelihood that a pedestrian gave way top panels; A, B or collided with bottom panels; C, D a female confederate left panels; A, C or male confederate right panels; B, D.

Non-independence due to confederate ID was modelled as a random intercept. Confederate height was negatively related to the likelihood of a collision Table 1 ; Fig. That is, pedestrians were more likely to collide with shorter confederates than with taller confederates. Examining height only, we again found that it was more predictive in men: We also found a marginally significant interaction between the sex of the confederate and the sex of the pedestrian, such that male pedestrians were less likely to collide with female confederates Table 1.

There was no difference in rate of collision between the sexes when a male confederate was walking against the stream of people. In summary, shorter confederates were more likely to collide with pedestrians than were taller individuals. In addition, male pedestrians were less likely to collide with female confederates than they were with male confederates. Preliminary analysis indicated that people of both sexes behaved differently depending on whether there was a same-sex or opposite sex confederate.

Rather than including the sex of the confederate in our analyses, we instead included a binary variable that specified whether the confederate was of the same sex as the pedestrian.

We found a significant interaction between height of the pedestrian and confederate sex on the likelihood of passing by the confederate without deviating from their path Table 2. The positive and negative slopes for pedestrian height depending on whether the confederate was of the same sex did not differ statistically in magnitude as evidenced by the overlapping standard errors of both estimates.

Thus, the effect of pedestrian height on the likelihood of path deviation did not differ for male and female pedestrians. In general, men were significantly more likely to deviate from their path than women Table 2. Therefore, to better assess the effect of the relative height of the pedestrian compared to the confederate, we also ran models in which we included the difference in height between the pedestrian and the confederate for those encounters where the pedestrian was blocked by a same-sex confederate, in which we included the sex of the pedestrian in order to assess whether there was any difference in response in male versus female dyads.

Including a categorical variable that coded whether the pedestrian was taller or of equal height versus shorter than the confederate produced similar results 0. Overall then, for both male and female pedestrians, height was related to the likelihood of path deviation, but the effect of height was dependent on the sex of the confederate blocking the pathway.

Taller pedestrians were less likely to maintain their path when the confederate was of the opposite sex compared to shorter pedestrian. No effect of height was observed when the confederate was of the same sex. Our results show that height is related to interpersonal dominance in a variety of social settings, which we assessed in a series of observational studies.

In our first study, we showed that taller individuals were more likely to take precedence when entering a narrow passage wide enough for only a single individual to pass. This effect was independent of both sex and perceived age. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first evidence that height differences affect the outcome of a brief dyadic interaction in a naturalistic setting. Given the nature of the observational set-up, we were, however, unable to assess whether this effect was because taller individuals actively take precedence, shorter individuals are more likely to give way, or both.

In a follow-up study, therefore, we investigated how pedestrians reacted towards confederates of varying height, as they walked along a busy shopping street. Pedestrians were more likely to yield to taller than to shorter confederates by giving way and stepping aside. This was equally true for both male and female confederates.

In addition, when examining a more confrontational measure of dominance—actual physical contact—we found that taller confederates were less likely to collide with pedestrians than shorter ones. In our third study, we assessed yet another behavioural measure of dominance: We hypothesized that when pedestrians were confronted by an individual of the same sex partially blocking their pathway, taller individuals would be less likely to yield and so more likely to pass by within closer proximity than shorter individuals.

Although our findings were suggestive of this, the effect was not significant for confrontations between same sex individuals. Moreover, we found exactly the opposite pattern to that predicted when we looked at cases where an opposite-sex individual was blocking the pathway: The finding that pedestrians react differently to confederates depending on their sex also apparent in Study 2 is not surprising. It seems entirely reasonable to expect that, in same-sex interactions, competition will be more pronounced, whereas gender norms and mate choice concerns are more likely to dominate in opposite-sex interactions.

As an example of such a norm, we observed in Study 2 that male pedestrians were less likely to collide with female than male confederates. Similarly, previous studies have shown that interpersonal attraction are related to proximity between two individuals [ 49 , 50 ], such that those attracted to one another are in closer proximity. One potential explanation for why height should be related to individual behaviour in opposite-sex encounters relates to the absolute increase in physical size of taller men and women, not only in the vertical dimension, but also in the horizontal dimension due to allometry.

Taller and, all else being equal, wider individuals see e. Thus for our study it may be that, because taller men and women perceive that they are more likely to pass the confederate at an unacceptable or at least uncomfortable degree of proximity, they instead choose to deviate from their original pathway in order to ensure that this does not occur.

In contrast, shorter individuals, who are also less likely to be wide, may be able to pass by the confederate at a distance that is neither perceptually nor absolutely socially unacceptable. Although this argument is speculative, our study does provide some evidence in support: Because men are on average larger than women, the distance at which they pass by a stranger may be correspondingly higher.

Indeed, our finding that men were more likely to avoid close proximity conforms to a plethora of research indicating that men require a larger amount of personal space, and greatly dislike any intrusion into this space [ 52 , 53 ].

We did not find a statistically significant effect of the height of the confederate blocking the passageway on the likelihood of the pedestrian to maintain its path in Study 3.

One reason for this could be due to our experimental set-up, which perhaps did not tap into aspects of dominance as we assumed. In contrast to Study 1 and 2, there was no face-to-face interaction in Study 3, because all the pedestrians approached our confederate from behind.

Furthermore, we may have used too few confederates e. In conclusion, in two observational studies, we found clear evidence to support the notion that human height is positively related to interpersonal dominance at least when that person is confronted by a same-sex individual , whereas the results from our third study were more equivocal, although we nevertheless confirm that height affects every-day behaviour.

The increased dominance of taller men and women is likely to result from both perceptions of the individuals themselves and the perceptions of others. Indeed, taller people are perceived as more dominant [ 9 , 28 — 30 , 33 ], and some of these biases are already apparent in very young children [ 36 ].

Perhaps because of these perceptions, pedestrians were more likely give way and less likely to collide with taller confederates compared to shorter confederates Study 2.

These different perceptions of and behaviours towards taller compared to shorter individuals may subsequently lead to increased self-esteem in taller individuals [ 9 ], which in turn is likely to affect their dominance. Manipulating height in a behavioural study with actual people e. Some studies have already pursued this, demonstrating that, within a virtual reality setting, taller individuals made more unfair offers during economic games [ 40 ] with the behavioural effect of being virtually tall extending to negotiating more aggressively in subsequent face-to-face interactions [ 41 ].

Although the effect of height on dominance did not significantly differ between the sexes in any of our studies, the effects of height were consistently stronger for men than for women. This is in line with findings on the relationship between height and social status. While both male and female height are positively related to measures of social status [ 9 ], the magnitude of this relationship is significantly stronger for men than for women. Similarly, a recent study showed that perceptions of leadership were more closely related to height for men, than for women [ 32 ].

In addition, this study found that male height was positively associated with perceived dominance, health, and intelligence, whereas female height was associated only with perceived intelligence [ 32 ]. Height also has a differential effect on attractiveness for men and women: Overall, then, it seems clear that taller individuals are more likely to be dominant, but male height makes a more significant contribution to this assessment than does female height, and this potentially can be explained by the relationship between height and perceptions of dominance, intelligence, health, and attractiveness [ 32 ].

A limitation of our behavioural studies is that we were only able to estimate the heights and ages of the pedestrians, rather than recording their actual heights and ages. Although perceptions of age have been shown to be highly accurate [ 56 ] and were not of central interest to our study, perceptual distortions of height in relation to status and dominance are well documented reviewed in [ 33 ].

For instance, individuals who are higher in status, or who behave in a more dominant, risky, or aggressive fashion are perceived as taller than individuals who are lower in status or who behave submissively [ 29 , 33 , 57 — 60 ].

Similarly, taller individuals are perceived as more dominant than shorter individuals [ 29 , 32 ]. These findings may pose a problem for our observational studies, as height estimations were made during overt dominance interactions, and estimations of dominant behaviour e.

Our results could therefore be a consequence of perceptual distortions on the part of the observers, rather than an actual behavioural effect related to height. However, we believe that our results are unlikely to be a consequence of these perceptual distortions for several reasons. First, several of our measures could be easily and unambiguously assessed, such as the heights of the pedestrians relative to markings on a wall Study 1 ; whether any physical contact occurred between the confederate and the pedestrian Study 2 and which side of a pole a pedestrian would pass Study 3.

Although culture is an important factor to understand sexual violence in its entirety, we need to look at, as well as beyond cultural structures, their strengths and weaknesses. Interpersonal violence against perceived or real weaker partner is a widespread phenomenon.

Sexual violence is a profoundly negative and traumatic life event with widespread psychological and sociological effects on the victim irrespective of their gender. It is likely that the fear of sexual violence in women will restrict their freedom and occupational opportunities and affect their long-term psychological well-being.

Sexual violence is rarely discussed within professional circles partly because of ignorance and partly due to inexperience in asking serious personal sexual questions as well as associated social stigma and shame for the victim and those related to the victim. It is both a health and a social concern with patriarchal, misogynist, and gender-shaming undertones. In this paper, we look at the cross-cultural aspects of gender-related sexual violence against women.

Although there are different forms of sexual violence for example, male-male sexual violence, male-transgender sexual violence , we focus on the male-female sexual violence in this paper. Much of what an individual is today is shaped by the culture that he or she is born in and lives through, acquiring cultural values, attitudes, and behaviors. Culture determines definitions and descriptions of normality and psychopathology. Culture plays an important role in how certain populations and societies view, perceive, and process sexual acts as well as sexual violence.

It, thus, amounts to sexual coercion and is considered illegal. However, the entire issue is sanctioned by personal laws defined by individuals who partake in such marriages[ 8 ] as condoned by Khap Panchayats who decide on marriage partners in certain parts of North India.

Similarly, sexual violence is considered legitimate by young men in South Africa who also believe that mental health is negatively affected by lack of sex. Cultural aspects of sexual violence can be understood from observations and literature on interpersonal violence IPV in the context of sexual acts.

Higher rates of sexual violence are expected to be more prevalent in cultures that encourage objectification of women, thus making them appear inferior to men. It has been postulated that the rates of unreported sexual offences are higher in some Asian cultures where virginity is highly valued and a woman's modesty is of utmost importance that gives her family the much required respect.

There have been suggestions that sex ratio may contribute to prevalence of sexual violence. A sex ratio of in represents a male population of about According to the National Crime Records Bureau, the number of registered rape cases in India increased by Within the evolutionary psychology framework, a higher male-female sex ratio more men than women gives rise to competition among males for female mates.

This may lead to sexual jealousy and frustration among men contributing to sexual violence. This hypothesis may, thus, not explain the rise in cases of child sexual abuse where there is no question of fidelity.

It is, of course, entirely possible that this rise is likely with better and accurate reporting. A paradoxical hypothesis by Guttentag and Secord[ 19 ] argues that a high sex ratio with fewer women compared to men raises the value that men give to women thus reducing the chances of him resorting to intimate partner violence including sexual violence.

In addition to violence, the incident of sexual violence involves elements of control, power, domination, and humiliation. This is very well exemplified in sexual violence against children, which is fundamentally an expression of power over a child's life. It has also been postulated that gender equality may increase sexual violence in the form of male backlash,[ 24 ] with men being more commonly known to commit sexual violence across different cultures.

It is also entirely possible that increased media attention may attract some individuals to perform these acts so that they gain a degree of infamy.

Across cultures, attitudes toward gender are likely to affect how male-female relationships are viewed, and subsequently how the sexual offenders and the victims are viewed. Carrying Sanday's work forward, Briere and Malamuth[ 27 ] explored if sexuality variables sexual experience, importance of sex, relationships with women, use of pornography and attitudes that encouraged violence toward women were associated with self-reported likelihood of raping or using sexual coercion.

They assessed male introductory psychology students at the University of Manitoba and found that the likelihood of raping or likelihood of using force could be predicted on the basis of rape-supportive attitudes and a combination of attitude and sexuality variables but not on the basis of sexuality variables alone. It is possible that cultures which have more sexually liberal attitudes may have higher rates of sexual violence but equally in less liberal societies same attitudes may apply.

Jaffee and Straus[ 28 ] indicated that there is no relationship between sexually liberal attitudes and sexual violence, but instead posited a significant association between urbanization, poverty, high percentage of divorced men, and incidence of reported sexual violence.

Burt[ 29 ] described rape as the psychological extension of a dominant-submissive sex-role stereotyped culture. Socioculturally transmitted attitudes toward women, rape, and rapists can predict sexual violence.

Sexual violence can result from a misogynist attitude prevalent in a culture. It has been pointed that cows are treated better than women in India. They are expected to get married and produce children, thus shifting the control of their sexuality from one man the father to the other the husband. It has been reported that victims who attempt resistance or escape from the situation are more likely to be brutalized by the offender,[ 32 ] thereby giving an inflated sense of power to the abuser as was seen in the New Delhi gang rape case of Nirbhaya in December Given the facts that acquaintance rape is more common than stranger rape and that even a girl child is often a victim of sexual violence; it is thus merely a myth that only the young, attractive, and seductively dressed women are raped.

Sexual violence can have widespread consequences not only violating its immediate victims but also the wider meaning of freedom and basic human rights. In sociocentric societies where shame is a more prevalent emotion, the victims of sexual violence may not open up about their trauma and hence may not report it.

This not only affects the victim negatively but also affects an understanding of the true nature of trauma and rates of these acts, thereby influencing policy-making. In sociocentric cultures, relations between people are at the core and individual identity is subsumed in the family or kinship. Sociocentric cultures being more socialized tend to give rise to a more social feeling of shame which cannot be felt in the absence of social relations.

In contrast, egocentric cultures are more individualistic and give rise to a more private feeling of guilt. In sociocentric cultures, where the dignity of the family izzat comes before that of the individual member, the notion about harm resulting from sexual violence is shared more by the family members. On the contrary, in ego-centric cultures, this harm from sexual violence is much concentrated around the dignity and identity of the individual member.

Thus, concepts of self also vary. Hofstede[ 35 ] has also divided a cultural dimension on masculinity and femininity of cultures where gender roles are different. Victims of sexual violence face the danger of suffering negative reactions upon disclosing their trauma, the most traumatizing of which includes being blamed for the assault. Cultural variations in gender roles and permitted gender behaviors may play an important role in cases of sexual violence by men from one culture on women from a different culture.

There is a high possibility that men from a sexually conservative culture may interpret nonsexual behaviors or platonic interests of women from sexually open cultures, as sexual in nature resulting in sexual violence. Overall, several studies have reported that men are more likely to misinterpret and make errors in decoding women's platonic interests as sexual signals. Sexuality like various other biological processes is said to be controlled by genetic factors. However our knowledge, understanding and expression of sexuality are also influenced by our cultural background.

However, it needs further exploration whether the act of rape is biologically coded or is culturally determined. The biological or evolutionary theory of sexual violence emphasizes that evolution applies to sexual violence just as it does to any other aspect of life[ 45 ] and that it reflects adaptations constructed over evolutionary time,[ 46 ] but this remains a controversial idea. This difference in sexual urges is said to be a result of early evolutionary changes and adaptation for successful sexual reproduction.

Due to sexual selection, men use the reproductive strategy including sexual violence of impregnating as many women as they can to spread their sperm and to maximize the number of female eggs that can be fertilized. This theory looks at sexual violence as a natural behavior resulting from a biological propensity to reproduce and have a net positive effect on the person's resorting to sexual violence reproductive success.

This theory, thus, searches roots of sexual violence in one's genes and completely ignores other factors that may come into play later on in life. Another theory attempts to describe sexual violence in terms of cultural explanations, claiming that sexual violence is socioculturally constructed.

It, thus, negates biological underpinnings for a man's sexual urges, claimed by the biological theory. This theory looks at other important factors such as gender power equations, moral values, attitudes toward violence, and so on to be contributing toward sexual violence. Based on these, Sanday[ 26 ] divided cultures into two types: Rape-free and rape-prone cultures which are moulded by sociocultural values; the former are more balanced in gender equality and have low rates of rape, whereas the latter have high rates where women are excluded from positions of power while restricting their freedom and objectifying them.

Sanday[ 26 ] pointed out the widespread existence of rape-prone societies but absence of rape-free societies. On similar lines, Otterbein[ 49 ] examined 17 cultures and reported that cultures with rigid sex-role systems showed higher sexual violence. The sociocultural theory, thus, explains sexual violence in terms of social expression of male power or patriarchy. If one agrees with this hypothesis, it would mean that patriarchal societies will witness more sexual violence compared to the gender-equal societies.

Thornhill and Palmer[ 50 ] collate these two hypotheses, arguing that the socially learned behaviors known as culture are largely biological and hence an overlap of biological and cultural factors occurs in sexual violence.

Cultural sanction of violence also may encourage sexual violence. For example, higher rates of rape were observed by Le Vine[ 51 ] in the Gusii or Kisii tribe of Kenya. In Gusii marriages, sexual aggression is a sanctioned behavior, wherein men are encouraged by other society members to use pain and be sexually aggressive on their wives during sexual intercourse. This is done in order to show one's power. It is argued that the higher rates of rape among the Gusii occur when marital sexual aggression overflows into the premarital or extramarital area.

Whether sexual violence is influenced by biological or cultural factors, it has major influence on the mental health and functioning of the victim especially due to the social responses to the violence.

Although the issue of sexual violence has remained largely ignored until now, ignoring it further is no longer acceptable. It, thus, becomes crucial to acknowledge that sexual violence transcends national and cultural boundaries. In the absence of such acknowledgment, sexual violence may continue to grow. The causes of sexual violence are complex and like many other crimes, sexual violence may not be completely understood and explained by a single factor; culture is one of the many factors that may be important in our understanding of sexual violence.

It is an important research question as to what causes variation in the incidence of sexual violence in different cultures. Cross-cultural aspect of sexual violence is a highly under-investigated and under-researched area.

It is high time we start understanding barriers and cultural strengths that are responsible for higher or lower rates of sexual violence cases in different cultures. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Journal List Indian J Psychiatry v. Gurvinder Kalra and Dinesh Bhugra 1.

Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract Interpersonal violence whether it is sexual or nonsexual, remains a major problem in large parts of the world.

Culture, gender, sexual violence, women. Attitudes Across cultures, attitudes toward gender are likely to affect how male-female relationships are viewed, and subsequently how the sexual offenders and the victims are viewed.

Stereotypes Burt[ 29 ] described rape as the psychological extension of a dominant-submissive sex-role stereotyped culture. Consequences of sexual violence Sexual violence can have widespread consequences not only violating its immediate victims but also the wider meaning of freedom and basic human rights.

Understanding of socio-sexual processes Cultural variations in gender roles and permitted gender behaviors may play an important role in cases of sexual violence by men from one culture on women from a different culture. Biology versus culture Sexuality like various other biological processes is said to be controlled by genetic factors.

In this paper, we look at the cross-cultural aspects of gender-related sexual violence against women. . male dominance, and an “ideology of toughness” in men and weakness in women. . [40,41,42,43] This could result from a higher likelihood in men to perceive the world in . Cambridge: Harvard University Press; his research assessed the extent to which attitudes to women in society are predicted by the personality trait social dominance orientation. 27 See Dutton, In Search of Edward John Eyre, and Dutton, G. , Edward and Stokes, E. , The Desert Coast: Edward Eyre's expedition –41, Five Mile from white settlement to the present, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne; Letters from Aboriginal Women in Victoria, –, History Department.